The event concluded with the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), reaffirming and strengthening the long-term strategic partnership between Sunhit and LONGi Solar, under which Sunhit continues to serve as LONGi Solar’s official partner in Armenia.

“As we continue advancing the development of solar energy systems, Sunhit is elevating its long-standing cooperation with LONGi Solar to a strategic level. We remain committed to offering Armenian businesses favorable solutions that help improve their operations. The terms provided by our LONGi partners, combined with the quality of their solar panels, are among the best available in Armenia,” said Tigran Vardanyan, Founder and CEO of Sunhit.

The Hi-MO X10 product line is LONGi’s most advanced Hybrid Passivated Back Contact 2.0  module, designed for commercial and distributed solar power generation projects.

By relocating all electrical contacts to the rear of the cell, the underlying HPBC 2.0 technology (Hybrid Passivate Back Contact) eliminates front-side electrode shading entirely, maximizing the active surface area exposed to sunlight and unlocking significantly higher energy yields than conventional module designs. As a result, the module offers up to 670 W of power output, a 24.8% module efficiency, and a 26.6% cell efficiency.

 “Our partnership with Sunhit provides a strong local foundation built on technical expertise and market understanding,” said Adrian Kočan, General Manager of LONGi Solar Eastern Europe Business Center (DG). “Through this collaboration, we are working to make high-efficiency back contact technology accessible in Armenia and to support the continued development of a market that is evolving at a remarkable pace.” During the forum, ACBA Leasing, Armenia’s leading leasing company, presented financing opportunities available through the GEFF program, enabling businesses to receive up to 15% cashback when purchasing solar power plants. This makes solar investments even more financially attractive.

Nairi Insurance, Armenia’s longest-established insurance company, the country’s only insurer with an international credit rating (Moody’s B1, Stable Outlook), and the market leader based on its 2025 results, also introduced its exclusive solar power plant insurance package.

Customers purchasing a photovoltaic solar system from Sunhit will receive a complimentary 12-month insurance policy from Nairi Insurance, covering a wide range of risks, including fire, hail, strong winds, flooding, theft, and more. The offer applies regardless of the purchase financing method.

“We continuously monitor market developments and design products that respond to our customers’ evolving needs. Solar energy is developing rapidly in Armenia. While creating this insurance solution, we carefully studied the market and customer demand and, together with Sunhit, developed a product that clearly benefits consumers,” said Gevorg Voskanyan, Deputy CEO of Nairi Insurance.

***

About Sunhit

Driven by innovation and a commitment to technological progress, Sunhit was established in 2024, bringing together a team of professionals with more than 10 years’ experience in the design and installation of solar power systems.

The company’s experts apply their extensive knowledge to support Sunhit’s growth and expansion while contributing to Armenia’s sustainable economic development. To date, the team has installed solar power plants with a combined capacity exceeding 15 MW.

Sunhit is the official partner of LONGi Solar in Armenia.

Sunhit’s photovoltaic solutions harness solar energy to power homes and businesses while helping customers achieve significant savings that can be redirected toward other investment opportunities.

***

About LONGi Solar

LONGi Green Energy Technology, founded in 2000, is a global provider of integrated solar and storage solutions, with over 30 locations and manufacturing sites worldwide. Its subsidiary LONGi Solar focuses on high-efficiency photovoltaic products for distributed and utility-scale applications. The company covers the full value chain, from silicon to modules and energy systems, supporting the transition to zero-carbon energy. Headquartered in Frankfurt for Europe, LONGi has broken solar cell efficiency records 23 times since 2021, achieving 28.13% for HIBC cells and 34.85% for tandem cells. It also holds a 26.4% module efficiency record and advances back contact technology as a core focus. 

According to the Central Electoral Commission, a total of 1,476,597 voters cast their ballots out of 2,503,976 eligible citizens, resulting in a final turnout of 58,97%.

Election day saw steady voter participation throughout the country. By 2:00 PM, turnout stood at 33.84%, with 847,226 citizens having voted. By 5:00 PM, the number had risen to 1,224,957 voters, representing 48.92% of the electorate.

Domestic and international observers monitored voting across the country, while political parties and candidates awaited the outcome of the ballot.

With voting now complete, election officials have begun counting ballots. Preliminary results are expected later tonight, with official results to be announced by the Central Electoral Commission following the completion of all required procedures.

The latest turnout data marks a significant increase from the 2:00 PM update, when participation stood at 33.84%, indicating a strong afternoon mobilization of voters across the country. 

Today, 2,485,851 citizens registered on the electoral roll are eligible to fulfill their civic duty by casting their vote.

Initially, 19 political forces—17 parties and 2 alliances—were registered to participate in the elections. However, following an application submitted by the Alliance Party, the Central Electoral Commission revoked the party’s registration. As a result, 18 political forces are taking part in the election.

The parties and alliances taking part in the vote are listed below in ballot order:

1. Reformists Party
2. “I Am Against Everyone” Democratic Party
3. Strong Armenia Alliance
4. Meritocratic Party of Armenia
5. New Force Reformist Party
6. Wings of Unity Party
7. Prosperous Armenia Party
8. National Democratic Pole Pan-Armenian Party
9. Kochari National Revival and National Awakening Party
10. Armenian National Congress Party
11. Republic Party
12. Christian Democratic Party
13. –
14. Democratic Consolidation Party
15. Democracy, Law and Discipline Party
16. Civil Contract Party
17. Armenia Alliance
18. Defenders of Democracy for the Republic Alliance Party
19. Bright Armenia Party

Armenia’s National Assembly has a minimum of 101 seats, with members elected for five-year terms. Political parties need at least 4% of the national vote to gain representation, while alliances comprising three or more parties must win at least 8%.

Polling stations will remain open until 8:00 p.m., after which the vote-counting process will begin.

Factor TV will continue to monitor the electoral process, document any potential violations, and provide the latest updates throughout the day.

 On the occasion of June 1, International children’s rights protection day, the pediatric department of the Yolyan Hematology and Oncology Center has been equipped with the modern medical equipment and essential devices.

The use of the advanced technologies will make it possible to detect various types of cancer in children at earlier stages and provide more effective treatment.

The equipment will make it possible to conduct many examinations and researches in Armenia.

For the purchase of the latest generation medical equipment benefactor Mikael Vardanyan donated 127 million drams.

We, representatives of the undersigned organizations, would like to draw your urgent attention to the detention and ongoing criminal prosecution of Armenian civic-political activist Artur Osipyan in the Republic of Armenia.

On 18 May 2026, during an election campaign and meeting with citizens held by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan in streets of Yerevan, a civic-political activist Artur Osipyan from –  Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh) publicly approached the Prime Minister, started asking hard questions and expressing his opinion on the causes of the loss of his homeland, communicated his criticism on corruption of local political elites there, etc. Gradually the talk became extremely emotional for both sides, which caused the Prime Minister’s outrageous reaction, offensive and abusive language against him. Video recordings of the incident circulated widely on social media and Armenian media outlets.

Amidst the verbal confrontation and the growing anger of N.Pashinyan Artur Osipyan was quickly removed by the police and later arrested. According to the official statement of the Investigative Committee of Armenia, criminal proceedings were initiated against Osipyan on charges reportedly including hooliganism, obstruction of election campaign and public calls for violence. Subsequently, the court ordered Osipyan’s two-month pre-trial detention, imposing a ban on visits and communication with the external world. 

A number of Armenian civic actors, election observation, human rights and democracy watchdog organizations, public figures and representatives of Nagorno-Karabakh civil society have publicly expressed their concern regarding the case and publicly condemned the criminal prosecution and deprivation of liberty imposed on Artur Osipyan as apparently unlawful, unfounded and politically motivated. Serious concerns have also been raised regarding the use of pre-trial detention as a preventive measure, which, according to public statements by civil society representatives, appears aimed at restricting and punishing Osipyan’s public and critical speech and civic activity rather than pursuing legitimate aims prescribed by law.

Artur Osipyan is currently on hunger strike while in detention. He refused to meet the Ombudman’s representative. And the prison monitoring group cannot visit him due to the ban of visits. This makes the situation especially urgent from a humanitarian and human rights perspective.

We are deeply concerned with Artur Osipyan’s health. Also, we are much alarmed with the incident that poses a serious risk to democratic freedoms, political pluralism and freedom of expression in Armenia. 

In light of the above, we respectfully urge You to publicly call on the Armenian government to immediately release Artur Osipyan and fully guarantee his fundamental rights and freedoms. 

We highly value and expect Your urgent attention and intervention regarding this matter.

Sincerely,

1. Sona Ayvazyan, Transparency International Anticorruption Center (TIAC) NGO
2. Genya Petrosyan, Law Development and Protection Foundation
3. Araks Melkonyan, Protection of Rights without Borders NGO
4. Artur Sakunts, Helsinki Citizens Assembly Vanadzor NGO
5. Naira Sultanyan, Democracy Development Foundation
6. Oleg Dulgaryan, Centre for Community Mobilization and Support (CCMS) NGO
7. Gegham Baghdasaryan, “Stepanakert” Media Club (SMC) NGO
8. Karine Torosyan, “Helsinki Association” human rights protection NGO
9. Seda Muradyan, Public Journalists’ Club NGO
10. Natalya Martirosyan, Helsinki Citizens Assembly NGO
11. Nouneh Sarkissian, Media Initiatives Center NGO
12. Gayane Abrahamyan, “For Equal Rights” NGO
13. Levon Barseghyan, Journalists Club “Asparez” NGO
14. Sergey Gabrielyan, “Dignity” NGO
15. Artur Papyan, Yerevan Press Club
16. Zaruhi Hovhannisyan, “New Justice Culture” NGO

By decree of the President of the Republic of Armenia, the candidacy of Vladimir Vardanyan—member of the ruling Civic Contract party and Chair of the Standing Committee on State and Legal Affairs of the National Assembly—was nominated for the vacant position of Judge of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Armenia. On the same day, Vladimir Vardanyan announced the termination of his membership in the Civic Contract party, and on 19 March he submitted his resignation to the President of the National Assembly.

The prohibition on a Constitutional Court judge being affiliated with a political party or engaging in political activity is directly stipulated in Article 4(5) of the Constitutional Law of the Republic of Armenia On the Constitutional Court, and also follows from Article 12(2)(2) of the same law and Article 164(9) of the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia. Although, under a literal interpretation, these provisions apply to the period following election as a Constitutional Court judge, their evident purpose is, first and foremost, to exclude any linkage between a Constitutional Court judge and political forces, thereby safeguarding against risks to the Court’s independence and impartiality arising from such connections.

In this context, although Vladimir Vardanyan has relinquished his parliamentary mandate and terminated his membership in the ruling political party, the fact that he has been engaged in political activity and party membership for more than seven years raises, at least prima facie, doubts regarding his ability to serve impartially as a Constitutional Court judge. Moreover, from the perspective of an objective observer, such political affiliation in itself precludes the effective management of the aforementioned risks.

We deem it necessary to recall that a similar situation arose in 2018 during the process of appointing Hrayr Tovmasyan as a judge, and subsequently as Chair, of the Constitutional Court. In that case, the same overt political affiliation served as grounds, inter alia, for then-opposition MP Nikol Pashinyan to characterise the appointment as a “secondment” by Serzh Sargsyan to the Constitutional Court.

We, the undersigned civil society organisations, consider that long-term membership in a political party and parliamentary faction—especially when accompanied by active political engagement, public positioning, and leadership of a standing parliamentary committee—cannot reasonably be neutralised by merely relinquishing a mandate or terminating party membership. Such steps cannot guarantee the severance of political and party ties or eliminate political influence, including ideological alignment with the respective political force, which is a natural phenomenon.

Even if one were to assume, conditionally, that the risk of maintaining party and/or political ties or dependencies could somehow be mitigated by relinquishing the mandate (which we do not consider reasonable), it is nonetheless evident that such actions cannot a priori eliminate the candidate’s ideological alignment with the given political force. This alone is sufficient to cast doubt on the independence and impartiality of the candidate, should he be appointed as a Constitutional Court judge.

Based on the above, we call on the National Assembly of Armenia to refrain from voting in favour of Vladimir Vardanyan’s candidacy for the position of Judge of the Constitutional Court.

Law Development and Protection Foundation

Transparency International Anti-Corruption Center

Community Mobilisation and Support Center NGO

Regional Center for Democracy and Security

New Justice Culture NGO

Armenian Progressive Youth NGO

Yerevan Press Club

Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly Vanadzor Office

Protection of Rights Without Borders 

Helsinki Association human rights protection NGO

Helsinki Citizens Assembly Armenian Committee

Union of Informed Citizens NGO

Democracy Development Foundation 

The full statement is presented below.

We, the undersigned civil society organisations, consider unacceptable and condemn the conduct and rhetoric of the Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia, Nikol Pashinyan, during a conversation on 22 March 2026 with a woman forcibly displaced from Artsakh. This behaviour constitutes not only a violation of the standards of conduct expected of a public official, but also reflects intolerance and hate speech towards Armenians forcibly displaced from Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh).

In particular, on 22 March 2026, while conducting a campaign activity in the Yerevan Metro, Nikol Pashinyan approached a woman travelling with her child and offered them a badge depicting the map of the Republic of Armenia. The woman refused, stating that they were from Artsakh and had a different map. During the conversation, Nikol Pashinyan raised his voice and addressed the woman while gesturing at her in a reprimanding manner. Moreover, after the woman requested that he not raise his voice or speak in such a manner, the Prime Minister stated that he would continue to speak that way, reproached her by saying that millions from the Armenian state budget had been spent to sustain Armenians in Artsakh, and added: “Next time, you runaways, don’t try to say that I gave away Karabakh’.

Furthermore, in the video it can be heard that the woman expressed her wish not to continue the conversation and asked not to be filmed together with her child; however, both the conversation and the filming continued. Other representatives of the ruling party, as well as the Prime Minister’s security personnel, were present during the incident.

It should be stated that the Prime Minister of the country always acts in his official capacity, which is perceived as embodying public authority; therefore, such conduct may be assessed as psychological violence against the woman. It is particularly concerning that the exchange took place in the presence of the woman’s child. The child not only witnessed such behaviour towards his mother, but was also directly involved in a political campaign. We find it unacceptable as it shapes future generations’ perceptions of power, the quality of speech, and interpersonal relations. This incident also sends a broader signal to society, legitimising violence and polarisation, which, regrettably, tends to intensify in the pre-election period.

Although the Prime Minister later issued an apology, his rhetoric had already triggered another wave of hatred and targeting against people from Artsakh, particularly on social media. Moreover, the spread of hate speech was further fuelled by an article published by the media outlet www.civic.am, affiliated with the ruling Civic Contract party, which aimed to discredit the woman from Artsakh. Regrettably, such expressions of hate speech, targeting, and offensive rhetoric towards Armenians forcibly displaced from Artsakh are not isolated, including statements by public officials such as Prime Minister Pashinyan and the Speaker of the National Assembly, Alen Simonyan.

Considering that the behaviour of public authorities, particularly senior officials, influences different segments of society and spreads beyond social media into broader public relations, such conduct is especially unacceptable and alarming, as it leads to increased polarisation, undermines social cohesion, and results in the re-victimisation of the forcibly displaced population.

The phenomenon of intolerance and hate speech against Armenians forcibly displaced from Artsakh, especially on social media, constitutes a serious problem. Not only are effective measures being taken against it , but such rhetoric is also shaped and encouraged by representatives of public authority.

Given the vulnerability of forcibly displaced persons, public officials—particularly those holding high office—are obliged to demonstrate the utmost restraint and sensitivity in their communication, ensuring respect for human dignity. We recall that public speech containing hate, discrimination, intolerance, or hostility may, depending on intent, constitute elements of a criminal offence.

The Armenian population of Artsakh has been subjected to ethnic cleansing and forced displacement by Azerbaijan, which formed part of a deliberate state policy implemented through a comprehensive strategy aimed at removing the ethnic Armenian population and historical-cultural presence from Nagorno-Karabakh. This policy has been accompanied by prolonged and grave violations of the rights and freedoms of the population of Artsakh, as well as serious war crimes.

The ongoing policy of intimidation against the population of Artsakh, the prolonged blockade, and the military attack of 19 September 2023 marked the culmination of this policy, rendering impossible the safe and dignified life of the population and resulting in mass forced displacement.Violations in the territory of Artsakh still continue in the form of erasure of Armenian cultural and historical presence, including the planned or already executed destruction of Armenian cultural monuments, churches, cemeteries, and residential areas.

In light of the above, we call on the authorities of the Republic of Armenia, and in particular Prime Minister Pashinyan, to:

• Refrain from and exclude the use of rhetoric that spreads hatred and intolerance, or contains discrimination and insult, including through social media and affiliated media outlets which leads to both deepening the polarisation of society and further intensification of the political situation;
• Ensure accountability for individuals who express and disseminate hate speech against forcibly displaced persons from Artsakh;
• Exercise restraint in public speech and adhere to the ethical standards and rules of conduct of public officials;
• Ensure that public officials and media outlets moderate hate speech in posts and comments on their social media platforms;
• More broadly, guarantee respect for human rights and ensure the implementation of the rule of law in the Republic of Armenia, including the protection of the right to privacy.

Protection of Rights Without Borders NGO

New Justice Culture NGO

Armenian Progressive Youth

Public Journalism Club

Yerevan Press Club

Media Diversity Institute

Regional Centre for Democracy and Security

Community Mobilisation and Support Centre NGO

Helsinki Association for Human Rights NGO

Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly Armenian Committee

Asparez Journalists’ Club

For Equal Rights NGO

Media Initiatives Centre

Ecolur Information NGO

Transparency International Anti-Corruption Centre

Law Development and Protection Foundation

Recently, Magnus Brunner, the EU Commissioner for Home Affairs and Migration, visited Armenia, noting that if reforms continue, visa-free travel could soon become possible. Maragos emphasized that Armenia is unique in having a visa liberalization dialogue with the EU, and progress will be measured against benchmarks, with full implementation dependent on the Armenian government and parliament.
“Armenia is the only country with which the EU is conducting a visa liberalization dialogue. This shows how concrete and substantive our partnership is. It is not about general declarations but about creating tangible benefits for citizens. Last year, we provided an action plan. It must now be implemented and assessed at a technical level with the support of experts from EU member states. Once the benchmarks are met and we are ready, the Armenian government and Parliament must implement it. I believe the process will not take long, but it is not automatic; the timeline depends on achieving the benchmarks,” said the ambassador.

Maragos rejected claims that holding the European Political Community Summit in Yerevan in May is political support for the current government. “The European Political Community is an intergovernmental format, and the decision on the venue for the next political summit is made in advance. It should not be viewed in the context of elections but as part of improving cooperation with all participating countries.”
Kaja Kallas confirmed yesterday that the EU will send a hybrid rapid response team to Armenia to address threats ahead of parliamentary elections. “We will not leave Armenia alone in confronting external interference. Democracies under pressure can rely on Europe,” she said.

The ambassador emphasized that the EU has supported Armenia before in organizing free and independent elections and that it is incorrect to interpret this assistance as interference in domestic politics.
“We provide technical support to Armenia in many areas as a demonstration of solidarity. This support helps institutions and citizens address hybrid threats, foreign interference, and cyberattacks. The focus is on strengthening institutional capacity, not interference, and we will continue sharing expertise and sending technical experts,” said Maragos.

Responding to claims that the EU is interfering in elections or overlooking human rights issues, he added: “The EU remains neutral in domestic politics. We maintain dialogue with the government and discuss challenges, but we do not take sides.”

The full interview is available in the video.

Unknown editors, questionable authors and an unregistered sole proprietorship: a Factor TV investigation reveals the origins, distribution mechanisms and presumed objectives of the newspaper that appeared during the pre-election period.

The first photograph shows the parking lot of Rio Mall. On the evening of February 25, Factor TV documented several copies of a newspaper titled Wyoming Star scattered on the ground.

The second photograph was taken in the parking lot of the Yerevan City supermarket located at the intersection of Arshakunyats and Bagratunyats avenues, where the newspapers had already been placed on cars.

Dozens of copies of the 12-page Armenian- and English-language newspaper were also noticed on Northern Avenue, in the Erebuni administrative district, and in other parts of the capital.

What topics does the newspaper cover?
Who organized its free distribution?
What objective might the distributor be pursuing during the pre-election period?

Vance, the Church and Samvel Karapetyan: What Wyoming Star Writes About Armenia

In the 12-page newspaper, all articles are unsigned. None of them indicate an author.

The articles are characterized by a critical tone toward the Armenian authorities.

The first article, titled “Outrage as Armenian Bishop Arrested Amid Pashinyan’s Pre-Election Crackdown on Opposition,” was published on the website on June 30, 2025, but it also appears in the newspaper’s February 19, 2026 issue.

The article states:

“…Pashinyan, who came to power in 2018 promising democratic reforms, is now facing a decline in popularity amid ongoing economic difficulties and regional tensions.
…Calls for the immediate release of Ajapahyan and other detainees are growing louder, against the backdrop of warnings from church leaders and civil society representatives that the government’s aggressive tactics threaten to undermine the country’s fragile democracy.”

In the first issue of the newspaper, the names of several experts and human rights defenders are mentioned.

Among them are:

• international law specialist Siranush Sahakyan

• Arman Grigoryan, associate professor of international relations at Lehigh University in Pennsylvania

• Iranian political scientists Alex Vatanka and Mostafa Ghaderi Hajat

• international affairs expert Ahmad Kazemi

and others.

In a conversation with us, Siranush Sahakyan said that Michelle Larsen from the mentioned website had contacted her and that they had communicated through correspondence.

One of the publications concerns the visit of U.S. Vice President J.D. Vance to Armenia.

The article titled “J.D. Vance Reshapes Strategic Ties: The Real Motives Behind the South Caucasus Tour” claims that the Armenian authorities, led by Nikol Pashinyan, have completely lost their agency and are carrying out Washington’s instructions.

An excerpt from the publication reads:

“…Eleanor Markov: Vance’s visit to Armenia concerns several projects important for the country’s future and ultimately demonstrates how little sovereignty and autonomy remains in Yerevan, which rushes to agree with all of the United States’ peace proposals.”

However, we were unable to find a political scientist named Eleanor Markov mentioned in the article.

She is presented as a non-resident research fellow at Atlas Eurasia Group.

We also examined the AEG website but found no mention of such an expert.

During his visit to Yerevan on February 9, the U.S. Vice President announced the sale of $11 million worth of reconnaissance drones to Armenia.

According to the publication, “Eleanor Markov” described them as “unverified drone technologies” and added that “UAVs alone would not be useful in the event of a direct confrontation with a major land power.”

It is important to note that the V-BAT UAVs acquired from the United States are intended for reconnaissance, not for striking targets.

The article further states:

“…Pashinyan is playing a dangerous game, exposing Armenia to the risk of attacks by regional power centers, without any visible economic benefit for the country itself.”

The unknown author also considers the agreement with the United States on building small modular nuclear reactors to be “dangerous,” stating:

“Armenia is exposing itself to enormous risks of man-made disasters.”

Notably, on February 13, Sergei Shoigu, Secretary of Russia’s Security Council, also addressed the issue of the nuclear power plant.

He stated that if the construction of small reactors using American technologies in Armenia enters a practical phase, Russia, as well as other regional states and the Armenian people themselves, would be “forced to take into account new nuclear safety risks.”

Shoigu added:

“In essence, we must assume that experiments with American nuclear technologies will be conducted nearby, in a seismically active zone. Therefore, yes, this should be considered a threat. I do not want to draw parallels, but let me remind you that American reactors at Japan’s Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant were destroyed by an earthquake, leading to large-scale radioactive contamination of the environment.”

According to the “expert,” cutting nuclear ties with Russia would lead to the eventual closure of Armenia’s existing nuclear power plant.

Some of the publications also address TRIPP, stating that Baku benefits more from it, while Russia is left out of the project, which causes dissatisfaction in Iran.

It is also noted that the “Zangezur corridor” has, since August 8, 2025, been replaced with the “branded” TRIPP.

The article about Samvel Karapetyan in the newspaper begins as follows:

“Just days after it seemed that common sense might finally prevail, Armenian courts once again closed the door on Samvel Karapetyan.”

According to the author, the preventive measure imposed on Karapetyan “raises uncomfortable questions about consistency, pressure, and the real purpose of prolonged detention.”

Wyoming, Gavar, and “St. Petersburg Citizen” Vanik Shukuryan

On April 21, 2017, Wyoming became the 45th U.S. state to recognize the Armenian Genocide.
This is perhaps the most well-known connection between Armenia and that U.S. state.

Despite this, the website contains a large number of articles about Armenia, in addition to the printed version of the newspaper, which has recently been distributed in various crowded locations in Yerevan.

The quality of the newspaper’s printing is also notable — high-quality paper and color printing, indicating that it was not produced with minimal resources.

On the last page of the newspaper, the entity listed as carrying out media activity is:

“Shukuryan Vanik Volodya” sole proprietor
Registration number: 286:1558486
Address: 57 Azatutyun Street, Apt. 6, Gavar community, Gegharkunik region
Registration date: February 18, 2026

The person responsible for publication is listed as Vanik Shukuryan, and the print run is 3,100 copies.

However, in the electronic register of legal entities of Armenia’s Ministry of Justice, no sole proprietor with this name is registered.

According to the voter registry, there is no citizen named Vanik Shukuryan registered in Armenia.

Factor TV called the phone number listed in the newspaper.

The person who answered confirmed that his name is Vanik Shukuryan, but stated that he is not a citizen of Armenia.

The person responsible for the publication claimed that the sole proprietorship is officially registered in Armenia and has been operating since February 19, although, as mentioned above, no such entity exists in the state registry. Interview excerpts:

– Mr. Shukuryan, may I ask how it was decided that you would translate Wyoming Star?
– Well, how can I say… if I don’t translate it, someone else will. Now if it has been translated, it has come here from Russia…

– From Russia?
– Yes.

– We studied the website version of Wyoming Star. It includes Armenian-related and international content, but the content seems questionable. There is no editor listed, no owner, and the authors appear to have AI-generated biographies. Have you reviewed the website content?
– Honestly, no, I haven’t. I was in Moscow, came back, and I’ll be going again in a few days.

– You’re going back to Moscow to bring more newspapers?
– Yes.

– Do you know which printing house is responsible for printing the newspaper?
– If I go to Moscow, I’ll know everything there.

– Who gives you the newspapers in Moscow to bring here?
– My dear, what interesting questions… I’d like to know that myself. What does that matter? Is there anything bad in the newspaper?

– So they are printed in Moscow and brought to Armenia? And is the print run really 3,100 copies, or will there be more?
– It depends… if it’s 3,100, then if demand increases, the print run increases.

– Mr. Shukuryan, who finances the printing in Moscow?
– My dear, what does it matter… people fund it. This is not something one person does.

– So it’s not only printed in Moscow but also in other countries?
– Right now it has been printed in other countries as well… it was transferred to Armenia, permission was given to translate it into Armenian so people can read it.

– Are you familiar with the owner or editor of Wyoming Star?
– Honestly, no. But the people I work with are.

– Are they in Moscow?
– Yes.

– According to the voter registry, you are not registered in Armenia. What country are you a citizen of?
– St. Petersburg.

– Which Russian company do you cooperate with?
– It feels like I’m sitting in front of an investigator… I’ve answered enough.

– Transparency is essential in journalism, don’t you think?
– I work transparently.

– Who funds the newspaper printing?
– Me.

– With your own funds?
– Yes, with funds from our Armenian community.

– Which organization?
– Armenian people who want to support Armenia.

– Can you say how much money was spent?
– That’s a secret.

– Are there contributors from other countries?
– Armenians living abroad.

Where Is Wyoming Star Registered?

Factor TV found that the website operates under:

https://wyomingstarnews.org

The domain was created on February 13, 2025, updated on January 20, 2026, and purchased for two years.

The site uses Cloudflare servers, making it difficult to determine its real location.

The registered office address is in Reykjavik, Iceland, in a building commonly used as a virtual registration address.

The website’s “About Us” section contains only general statements, with:

• no editor

• no founder

• no legal information

• no physical address

The only contact method is email.

Most publications are attributed to:

• Joe Jans

• Michelle Larsen

No reliable information about them could be found.

Their biographies appear to be AI-generated.

The photo of Joe Jans is likely taken from the internet, not representing the real author.

Social Media anomalies:

• X (Twitter): 27 followers

• Facebook: 2 followers

• Telegram: 1282 subscribers

This is unusual for a U.S. media outlet, where Facebook is typically dominant.

Telegram is widely used in Russia and post-Soviet countries, suggesting a different target audience.

Final Conclusion

Thus, the “American” newspaper is printed in Moscow, registered in Gavar, financed by “unknown Armenians,” distributed during the pre-election period, and has no real owner. Vanik Shukuryan claims that he has permission, however, it is unclear from whom he received it.

All of the newspaper’s materials carry a distinctly propagandistic nature and are built around the same ideological axis:

• Pashinyan’s government has lost its subjectivity,
• Armenia is under U.S. influence,
• cooperation with the West is dangerous,
• moving away from Russia is a disaster,
• relations with Iran are at risk,
• the peace process will lead to territorial losses.

These narratives are quite similar to the discourse spread by experts and political analysts participating in discussions and debates on Russian federal television channels regarding Armenia’s domestic politics and foreign policy course, which in turn often align with the official positions of the Kremlin.

In this context, the articles published by Wyoming Star can be viewed as examples of foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI). According to Factor TV’s assessment, they employ the technique of information laundering, a method of informational and political interference whereby the real source of influence is concealed, while the content is disseminated through “independent,” “foreign,” “international,” or “locally trusted” sources, creating an illusion of legitimacy.

It should be added that Factor TV revisited the locations where the newspapers had been observed; they were no longer there. Most likely, this print run has been exhausted, and those distributing them are waiting for a new batch.

Yevgenya Hambardzumyan

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