In Soviet historiography, the German missionaries active during and prior to the Armenian Genocide, which began in 1915, were predominantly portrayed—apart from a few exceptions—as engaging in espionage and hostile activities. Simultaneously, numerous archival documents attested to the missionaries’ humanitarian role and their selfless efforts. Against this backdrop of contrasting contradictions, the pursuit of truth played a significant role in Hayk’s life. With each new book and archival document he encountered, he uncovered new missionaries, unknown even to his colleagues within the academic community. Thus, Hayk’s first workplace was the Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute, where his knowledge of languages propelled him to uncover new and remarkable episodes from the histories of Armenia, the Ottoman Empire, Germany, and the lives of numerous individuals whose stories future generations ought to know.
Currently, Hayk Martirosyan is one of the researchers at Lepsiushaus.
Hayk Martirosyan at the Lepsiushaus archive, Potsdam, October 2024.
The Lepsiushaus was established at the location where Johannes Lepsius lived from 1908 to 1926. It is here that one of his significant works was published—the 1916 book later known as The Armenian People’s Death March. The legacy of Lepsius’s commitment, as well as his partially ruined house, which was used by the Soviet army as a cash office after World War II until the early 1990s, was in danger of being forgotten. In March 1999, as a result of the union of residents, church representatives, scholars, and socially concerned individuals, the Lepsiushaus Potsdam Support Association was established. This association initiated the restoration of Lepsius’s house and made its dignified preservation a central mission. Professor Hermann Goltz, a founding member and long-time member of the association’s board, played a significant role in this effort.
Johannes Lepsius’s study room, Lepsiushaus, Potsdam, October 2024.
In 2005, on the 90th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, the Bundestag adopted a resolution explicitly condemning the persecution and massacres of Armenians during World War I. The resolution also acknowledged Germany’s shared responsibility, stating: “Germany, which contributed to the realization of the crimes committed against the Armenian people, must also take responsibility.” At the same time, the Bundestag decided to honor the life and work of Johannes Lepsius. The restoration of the Lepsiushaus began in 2008. In May 2011, it opened its doors to the public as a research center for genocide studies. In December 2010, Goltz passed away and did not live to see the opening of the LepsiusHaus. After the opening, the directorship was taken over by one of Goltz’s students, Dr. Rolf Hosfeld, who managed it until the summer of 2022. The directorship is now held by Dr. Roy Knocke.
Lepsiushaus Archive, Potsdam, October 2024.
In 2015, a memorial stone commemorating the centenary of the Armenian Genocide was placed in the courtyard of the Lepsiushaus. The cross depicted on the back of the stone was blessed by a bishop of the Armenian Apostolic Church. Inscribed on it in Armenian and German are the words: “Լուսաւորեա Տէր զհոգին Ծառայից քոյ” (Lord, illuminate the soul of Your servant).
The Armenian Genocide Centennial Memorial Stone in the courtyard of the Lepsiushaus, Potsdam, October 2024.
In the photo: journalists Stella Mehrabekyan, Alexander Martirosyan, and Sofi Tovmasyan on the left; and Heriknaz Harutyunyan and Frunze Avetisyan on the right.
Hayk began his academic work in Germany at the University of Erlangen-Nuremberg in Bavaria. Since 2011, German academic exchange programs and scholarships provided by Catholic and Evangelical churches have regularly given him the opportunity to return to Germany and continue his studies. Thanks to the scholarships, Hayk was able to collect numerous archival documents and information, which provided rich material for his doctoral dissertation. In 2017, Hayk returned to the University of Erlangen, where, after negotiations with his professor and the director of the Lepsiushaus, Rolf Hosfeld, he decided to move to Potsdam, home to the Johannes Lepsius House-Archive. The Lepsius House-Archive was the place where Hayk could continue his academic research while simultaneously contributing to its activities.
His main research topics focused on German missions in the context of the genocide. While Johannes Lepsius’s mission is the most well-known to us, there were five other Evangelical organizations and one Catholic organization in Germany that also carried out significant work. These included efforts in orphan care, education, medicine, and providing financial support to the Armenian Catholic community. Hayk’s main focus of study was these missions, the restoration of the biographies of orphans, and Armenian-German relations from the Hamidian massacres to 1920-21. At the end of 2024, Hayk’s book, Humanism and Christian Compassion: The History of German Missions Among Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, 1896-1919, will be published. This work, the result of years of research, summarizes the activities of Evangelical and Catholic missions, Lepsius’s extensive work, and his efforts in support of the Armenian cause.
From 2020 to 2022, Hayk taught at Halle University in Germany. This is one of the greatest achievements of his career.
“This long-awaited achievement turned out to be the saddest day for me. My first lecture was on November 10, 2020. I didn’t know how to teach; I hadn’t slept all night and was overwhelmed with countless emotions. The work I had done for years was leading me toward fulfilling my goal. It seemed that the first day of my teaching should have been the happiest, but it turned out to be the most cursed.”
In the past ten years, there have been Armenian Studies professorships in Germany (positions lower than a full academic chair). In 2012, the Armenian Studies professorship at the Free University of Berlin was closed. At the end of 2022, the professorship in Halle, which had been established in 1998 through the efforts of the Armenian government, was also closed. Interestingly, in places where Armenian Studies professorships are being closed, there has been a sharp increase in Azerbaijani academic influence. While there is no direct connection between these patterns, such coincidences give rise to speculation. Some Armenian and pro-Armenian professors have retired. In this context, Hayk raises very important questions for Armenia and the Armenian government:
“How will the gap in Armenian Studies in Germany be filled? Do we want to fill that gap or not? Professors have retired, Armenian Studies centers have closed. What is Armenia’s response now—do we want to develop Armenian Studies or not?”
Hayk is very eager to pass on the institutional knowledge he has acquired to younger generations and students in a more sustainable way. This is not only about the work of the Lepsiushaus or the missions of Lepsius and other missionaries but also about the stories of the surviving orphans, the paths they traveled, and the revaluation of their lives.
“Imagine a wealthy family living in Germany, a renowned doctor, or a well-off man or woman who leaves their secure life behind to go to the Ottoman Empire and live among Armenians. I want the stories of these people to become accessible to everyone. I want to find answers to numerous questions: why did they go, how did they decide to go, and what did they witness? In response to their selfless work, 100 years later, I want to express my gratitude on behalf of myself and all of us. Based on the calculations in my research, I can say that at least 250-300 dedicated missionaries were involved in caring for Armenian orphans and saved thousands of lives. I should note that in our professional circles, only 10-12 of them, at most 15, are well-known. For me, it is very important to reconstruct the lives of these individuals, to recognize their self-sacrificing work, and to contribute to the formation of institutional memory about their efforts.”
Hayk recounts that a few years ago, the grave of one of the German missionaries was leveled to the ground. In Germany, it is customary for graves to be removed after a certain period, with new ones established in their place. He asked one of his close friends to collect soil from the missionary’s grave, hoping that one day it would be placed behind the memorial wall of the Armenian Genocide Memorial Complex.
“Gratitude is a good thing; we must remember these people.”
Regarding education, it should be noted that as part of its activities, the Lepsiushaus also provides training for teachers. In Germany, Brandenburg was the first federal state to introduce the topic of the Armenian Genocide in schools (2002-2003). The number of states currently stands at four, and soon there will be a fifth. Hayk notes that education in Germany is of a very high standard. Ninth-grade students who visit the Lepsiushaus stand out for their knowledge, the astonishing depth of their questions, and their emotional intelligence. They deeply empathize with and understand historical realities.
“One time, a schoolboy from Berlin called me and asked to come to Potsdam, to the Lepsiushaus-Archive, on the same day. During a history lesson, he had learned about the Armenian Genocide for the first time and wanted to get information from a primary source. I showed him the rooms of the Lepsiushaus, presented historical episodes, and shared facts about the past. In the end, he admitted that one of his parents was Turkish and the other German. After his visit to Potsdam, he decided that he would write his final school project on this topic.”
Touching on the topic of empathy and generational memory, Hayk mentioned that he is starting another project aimed at understanding how Germans are portrayed in the memories of genocide survivors: their socio-psychological characteristics, as well as positive and negative perceptions. The topic is quite interesting and has not yet been studied, despite the abundance of memoirs on this aspect.
Returning to Lepsius, it is important to highlight that he published three major books about Armenians and the genocide. In 1896, he traveled to the Ottoman Empire for six weeks, and upon his return, he published his famous work, Appeal to the Great Powers and a Call to Christian Germany. In this work, he detailed the massacres, violence, and deportations, spoke about the clergy, and provided extensive statistical data. Before the publication of the appeal, he disseminated these accounts in a German newspaper. Lepsius was one of the first to recognize the significant influence and importance of newspapers and media in lobbying, spreading information, and raising public awareness. Based on these publications, he prepared a book, which was first released in September 1896 and was reprinted seven times within two years.
“For example, it was a revelation for me to discover that during the Hamidian massacres of 1896-97-98, one could find over a hundred press outlets that published daily and weekly news about the massacres carried out by the Ottoman Empire. Such a volume of information was unimaginable for the media operating 120-130 years ago. Even during the 2020-23 Artsakh war and the events of ethnic cleansing and forced displacement of civilians, there weren’t as many media references as there were during the Hamidian massacres. Of course, this awareness was also driven by Christian missions supportive of Armenians. It should also be noted that the reports published at the time included astonishingly detailed and harrowing descriptions of the events.“
The cover of Johannes Lepsius’s 1896 publication, Appeal to the Great Powers and a Call to Christian Germany. Lepsiushaus, October 2024.
Lepsius’s second book was published in 1916. In 1915, using his connections, he managed to travel to Constantinople and meet with Enver Pasha, with the aim of advocating for the Armenian people—a mission that, unfortunately, yielded no results. During this time, he also held meetings with American and other foreign diplomats to discuss the issue. Lepsius returned from Constantinople with numerous documents and information. In 1915, Germany enacted a censorship law that prohibited any discussion of the genocide. Against this backdrop, Lepsius’s second book, The Armenian People’s Death March, was published. The issue was even raised in the Reichstag (now the Bundestag), but it received no response. In the book, Lepsius criticized the Ottoman Empire, which was an ally of Germany at the time, and provided detailed descriptions of various episodes of the genocide. Since Lepsius had a great passion for mathematics, the book also included ample numerical data and statistics highlighting the scale of the tragedy. The book was published in 20,500 copies, some of which were intended for high-ranking officials and parliamentarians. However, a significant portion never reached its intended recipients because German police confiscated them. This led to the growing risk of being accused of treason and arrested for violating the censorship law and detailing the events taking place in the Ottoman Empire. As a result, Lepsius relocated to The Hague, where he remained until the end of World War I.
Johannes Lepsius’s 1916 publication, Report on the Situation of the Armenian People in Turkey, later renamed The Armenian People’s Death March in its 1919 reissue. Lepsius House, October 2024.
“In modern terminology, Lepsius was a phenomenal lobbyist. He did not seek collaboration with the authorities and instead demonstrated resistance. In the 1920s, when camera production and usage began, black-and-white silent films captivated everyone’s attention. Lepsius purchased a camera, which he used to document the activities of his mission. He knew how to raise funds: they organized expos and photo exhibitions. At the time, caring for one orphan cost 150 marks annually, which was a significant amount. It was suggested that this sum could be collectively raised and donated. Lepsius addressed one of the schools in Potsdam with an appeal: ‘Each of you can donate one mark to support the care of an orphan.'”
The Lepsiushaus undertakes significant efforts in the study of genocides and the education of future generations. It organizes exhibitions, presentations, lectures, and discussions attended by former and current diplomats, ambassadors, journalists, scholars, researchers, and others interested in politics. The staff of the Lepsius House are now initiating the publication of a critical work that will examine all of Lepsius’s writings and address numerous questions: where he gathered his information, how he classified it, and what sources he relied upon.
The Lepsiushaus in Germany collaborates with the Military History Institute of the University of Potsdam and the University of Erlangen. Officially, the Lepsiushaus operates as an association and receives its modest primary funding from the city of Potsdam and the state of Brandenburg. The association also works with the Genocide Museum in Armenia and the Institute of Armenian Studies at Yerevan State University, with which it undertakes joint projects.
In recent years, particularly since 2020, the Lepsiushaus has established direct collaboration with Armenia’s Ministry of Education, Science, Culture, and Sports (MoESCS). Additionally, there is a project involving the Ministry of Education of Brandenburg. The Lepsiushaus has also hosted official visits from Armenia, including those by MoESCS ministers and parliamentary representatives.
Author: Alexander Martirosyan
All quotes are by Hayk Martirosyan, a researcher at Lepsiushaus.
The platform provides numerous discounts to Ameriabank cardholders, along with cashback options․ Currently, when paying with Ameriabank cards, a 5% cashback is available for all events on the platform, and for some events, 15-25% discount is provided with a promo code.
“Our studies have shown that there is a demand in the market for a ticket purchasing platform that offers a user-friendly interface and modern features. To this end, we have set an objective of delivering a cutting-edge ticketing platform that caters to the event enthusiasts, where everyone will be able to plan their entertainment easily and quickly, regardless of their preferences,” states Ella Aghababyan, Product Manager of the Eventhub platform.
In the course of about 1 year of operation, the platform has successfully partnered with over 100 event organizers, facilitating ticket sales for more than 500 events.
“This includes major events like the Full Moon Fest, dozens of concerts at the Sports and Concerts Complex, as well as one of the best-selling stand-up shows of the year, Garik Papoyan’s “Gitarion,” says Samvel Batikyan, Business Development Manager at Dinno. He further emphasizes that, through collaborations with international partners, the platform also offers tickets for concerts held abroad.
Eventhub streamlines the process of event organization and ticket purchasing. It offers event organizers efficient tools for seat selection, ticket sales, and verification, and makes the ticket buying experience quicker, easier, and more intuitive. Through this platform, Ameriabank supports the organization of cultural and sports events in Armenia, making them more accessible to the public. Next year, Eventhub will be also integrated into Ameriabank’s MyAmeria app, featuring enhanced solutions and offering various benefits to the Bank customers.
About Ameriabank
Ameriabank is a leading financial and technology company in Armenia, a major contributor to the Armenian economy. In line with its Digital Transformation Strategy, the bank continually introduces and enhances innovative products, services and platforms designed to meet the evolving financial and non-financial needs of its customers. Ameriabank, as a dynamically growing fintech space, offers seamless solutions to improve the quality of life.
The Eventhub platform streamlines the process of event organization by offering seamless solutions for seat selection, ticket sales, and verification. Launched in 2023, in a short period of time EventHub has partnered with over 100 organizations facilitating the creation and successful implementation of more than 500 events through its EventHub toolkit.
The Bank is supervised by the Central Bank of Armenia.
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Moreover, in Barekamavan, the program has been fully implemented with financing of Mikayel Vardanyan, who provided around 18 million drams. As a result of gasification, several problems in the mentioned 4 areas of the region will be solved simultaneously.
The social and living conditions of the residents will be improved, the amount of deforestation will decrease. In order to support the major repair of the drinking water system, the benefactor provided another 20 million drams to 3 areas of Berd community: Verin Karmiraghbyur, Artsvaberd, Norashen. For the implementation of two programs Mikayel Vardanyan provided totally 120 million drams.
Furthermore, thanks to the benefactor’s financial support, since 2006 and up today 28 rural communities have also been supplied with gas and 42 communities with drinking water.
]]>The all-Armenian fundraising campaign, held under the slogan “For You, Armenia!” unites the global Armenian community, directing our collective efforts toward the implementation of a number of national-scale projects. Ardshinbank could not miss the opportunity to join this cause. Through its involvement, the bank encourages its partners to join in and support the fund in addressing pan-Armenian issues.
Ardshinbank plans to ask the Hayastan All-Armenian Fund to allocate the full amount of the 120 million AMD donation toward the construction of a residential settlement in the village of Balahovit in the Kotayk region. This project aims to support individuals and families affected by mobility challenges, disabilities, or health issues sustained during the 44-day war. The project will be implemented in collaboration with the Soldier’s Home charitable NGO.
Ardshinbank is the leading bank in Armenia. It provides a wide range of universal banking services, providing solutions in the areas of retail, corporate, investment, as well as private banking and asset management. Ardshinbank serves approximately 390,000 customers through a dedicated team of over 1,900 employees. The bank operaretes a powerful multi-channel service delivery and sales platform with 65 branches, comprehensive mobile and online banking systems.
The bank has the widest branch network in the country, as well as a representative office in Paris. Ardshinbank is the only company in Armenia holding ratings awarded by three leading rating agencies: Standard & Poor’s (BB- (Stable)), Moody’s (Ba3 (Stable)) and Fitch (BB- (Stable)), all on the level of the sovereign.
The bank is regulated by the Central Bank of Armenia.
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“The fact that this repressive state would host COP29 is a revolting display of hypocrisy. In a conference supposedly dedicated to tackling climate change and promoting justice, we are instead granting legitimacy to a country accused of trampling on its own citizens’ rights and committing severe human rights violations.” Thunberg added that Azerbaijani activists feel as if they live in a prison, silenced by their own government. Those who seek change are repressed, their voices stifled.
Thunberg noted that, rather than challenging such practices, the international community has frequently turned a blind eye. “We cannot pick and choose which rights we want to uphold,” she asserted. “If we are committed to justice, it has to be justice for everyone.”
In her remarks, Thunberg emphasized that climate justice extends beyond emissions targets and environmental protections; it encompasses accountability for human rights abuses. She cited the recent suffering of Armenians as a direct consequence of Azerbaijani aggression, noting that the displacement, torture, and detention many have faced are critical issues that should not be ignored.
“The ethnic cleansing for which Azerbaijan is responsible, the hardships and suffering experienced by many Armenians as a result of Azerbaijan’s new aggression, the torture and forced displacement, the captivity, hostage-taking, and the physical and psychological brutality endured by individuals are utterly unacceptable.”
“It is not just about scientific urgency,” she added. “This is a moral imperative. We cannot allow nations to expand fossil fuel production while silencing the voices that challenge them. And we certainly cannot stay silent while ethnic cleansing and human rights abuses are swept under the rug.”
Thunberg urged the global community to reassess its priorities, emphasizing that climate action cannot be effective if it lacks a foundation of justice and integrity.
“The Impact of Azerbaijan’s Aggression on Human Rights and Environmental Protection” conference is being held in Yerevan, organized independently as a side event to COP29. The special guest is Ms. Greta Thunberg, an environmental activist, who has chosen to boycott COP29 in Baku and arrived in Armenia following recent protests outside Azerbaijan’s embassy in Tbilisi, Georgia.
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As global leaders in business, government, and civil society convene in Baku this month for the COP29 climate conference, they may be tempted to focus on saving the planet and ignore the odious nature of the conference’s host.. Such realpolitik has its place, but in this case it is wrong, Newsweek reports in its review of COP29․
The Azerbaijani regime’s awfulness is not just extreme, but touched by a kind of hubris that leads to mistakes. That is why the country sought to be named the host of the 29th global climate conference mere weeks after it ethnically cleansed 120,000 ethnic Armenians from the long-disputed enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh. That is why it has made clear, even in the runup to the conference, that it is a petrostate that is doubling down on fossil fuels precisely while hoping to greenwash itself via the spectacle of the conference.
Anyone doubting the hypocrisy at play needed only to listen to the Nov. 12 opening address by President Ilham Aliyev, who called oil and gas “a gift of the God … Countries should not be blamed for having them and should not be blamed for bringing these resources to the market because the market needs them.”
Azerbaijan has asked for the world’s attention, and the world should grant it just that – noting, for example, that officials from the Taliban were invited to this year’s conference, a first, while democratic Taiwan was not.
Azerbaijan’s leadership is attempting to manipulate the world the way it brutalizes its citizenry. The world should show this dictatorship that it, too, can play tough. The conference should not be used to greenwash an odious regime, but to call it to attention.
Azerbaijan is one of the world’s most despotic countries by every measure and metric. According to Freedom House, Aliyev’s regime scores a mere 7 out of 100 in political rights and civil liberties, ranking it among the least free nations globally, below Russia and Iran. In September, Human Rights House warned that the Azerbaijani government has intensified a relentless crackdown on political and civil society critics, including those focused on environmental issues.
Its hundreds of political prisoners include ethnic Armenian leaders of the enclave that it overran, where today Aliyev’s thugs are busily engaged in a campaign of destroying the abandoned Armenian cultural heritage sites. This, even as Baku brazenly pretends to be committed to a green future by planning a “Green Silicon Valley” in the territory it trashed.
Moreover, even though the fighting is currently stopped in the Southern Caucasus region, the halting peace process is stalled, and tensions are escalating once more—because of Baku. Just last month, Aliyev issued inflammatory statements reminding Armenia of the devastation it faced in the 2020 war, with ominous warnings that Azerbaijan’s “anger will not let up even after 300 years, not just 30.” This rhetoric, coupled with aggressive military posturing and the refusal to return Armenian prisoners of war, signals a volatile situation that could reignite at any moment.
International bodies, such as the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom have classified Azerbaijan as a country of concern due to its actions. Azerbaijan, meanwhile, is absurdly trying to brand the conference as the “COP of peace.”
Moreover, there is more of a connection to climate issues than might at first appear to be the case. A possible new military escalation would not only bring more human suffering but also derail efforts to achieve a just climate transition. Take water as an example.
Water is a critical resource for the Southern Caucasus and is also at the heart of the conflict. Climate change will exacerbate water scarcity in the region, with predictions of a 52 percent drop in rainfall by 2040. Through its recent territorial advances into Armenia, Azerbaijan has not only gained a strategic military advantage but also control over critical water sources. Without a peaceful resolution, the competition for dwindling resources will only intensify, further jeopardizing both local populations and ecosystems.
The COP29 attendees have a responsibility to press for an immediate end to Azerbaijan’s aggressions and to urge a lasting peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan, emphasizing the return of all Armenian detainees and the end of ethnic hostilities.
It may seem impolite to make demands of one’s host, and unsporting to involve geopolitics with climate. But the two are connected nonetheless, and this particular host has unflattering attention coming in the extreme. Azerbaijan’s displeasure with unruly guests will not affect whatever other agreements are arrived at—this is up to the attendees. There is, in fact, no realpolitik-related need to be overly polite.
So, there are two issues here. First, these steps are vital to building the trust and stability necessary for meaningful climate cooperation in the region. But second, from a broader perspective, the world’s seekers of progress should not allow themselves to be played for fools.
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The conference, titled “The Impact of Azerbaijani Aggression on Human Rights and Environmental Protection,” was organized in response to a controversial United Nations decision. The UN’s selection of Azerbaijan as the host of COP29, the upcoming climate summit, sparked concerns among human rights and environmental groups, who pointed to Azerbaijan’s track record of authoritarian policies, environmental harm, and documented hostility towards ethnic Armenians.
Stepanyan drew attention to the enduring consequences of Azerbaijan’s military and political actions against Artsakh, including forced displacement, prolonged blockades, and a policy of ethnic cleansing targeting Artsakh’s Armenian population. “Looking back, I’m astonished by what people had to endure,” Stepanyan said, referencing the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War and subsequent blockade. “Meanwhile, the world responded with empty, meaningless statements.”
The blockade, he argued, represents a continuation of Azerbaijan’s broader strategy aimed at systematically isolating and oppressing the Armenian population in the region. According to Stepanyan, these actions amount to ethnic cleansing, a view echoed by several human rights observers.
“The Impact of Azerbaijan’s Aggression on Human Rights and Environmental Protection” conference is being held in Yerevan, organized independently as a side event to COP29. The special guest is Ms. Greta Thunberg, an environmental activist, who has chosen to boycott COP29 in Baku and arrived in Armenia following recent protests outside Azerbaijan’s embassy in Tbilisi, Georgia.
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During the conference, titled “The Impact of Azerbaijan’s Aggression on Human Rights and Environmental Protection”, Ghazaryan pointed to recent international criminal court proceedings where efforts were made to present the forced displacement of Artsakh Armenians as an unfortunate consequence of war. “Why is Azerbaijan so afraid of going to court? Because in court proceedings, the truth is revealed and clearly identified.” International courts are not places for political debate, but rather for the presentation of facts and evidence. The goal of the courts is to uncover the truth, and when examined closely, it becomes clear that the deportations were not a mere side effect of war, but were driven by a specific, orchestrated intent to forcibly displace the population.
Ghazaryan also referenced Armenia’s successful legal actions in international courts, where compelling evidence has been presented to prove the intentional nature of the violence against both military personnel and civilians in Artsakh.
Speaking about the article titled “Where Are the Artsakh Armenians?”, Ghazaryan said, “For 2,000 years, Artsakh Armenians lived there, and now they are no longer present. How could you explain that? Did people in Artsakh just decide to change their location? No, this was a forced exile, carried out through military actions.” He emphasized that the intent to remove Armenians from Artsakh was deliberate, and the evidence supporting this claim is undeniable.
Armenia has gathered a substantial body of evidence that underscores the nature of the displacements, leaving no room for doubt among the international community that this was an act of forced displacement. As a result, Ghazaryan concluded, the right of the displaced Armenians to return home should be upheld and exercised.
“The Impact of Azerbaijan’s Aggression on Human Rights and Environmental Protection” conference is being held in Yerevan, organized independently as a side event to COP29. The special guest is Ms. Greta Thunberg, an environmental activist, who has chosen to boycott COP29 in Baku and arrived in Armenia following recent protests outside Azerbaijan’s embassy in Tbilisi, Georgia.
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During the panel discussion being held in Yerevan, Dr. Siranush Sahakyan presents the reality of Armenians facing the ongoing Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict. “The continuous arrests of Armenians are part of state politics,” Sahakyan states, emphasizing that the detention of Armenians is not merely a consequence of conflict, but a deliberate strategy used to exert political pressure.
The abduction of Armenians has been a persistent problem since the 2020 escalation of the conflict. Over 300 Armenians have been taken hostage, many of whom were civilians with no connection to the fighting. Though 210 have been released, some remain trapped in Azerbaijan. Their return, Sahakyan notes, is often complicated by the lack of clarity about their initial abduction. Some were detained during the hostilities, while others were taken from peaceful, non-conflict areas, making their cases more complex and difficult to resolve.
Sahakyan emphasizes the contrast between the political rhetoric surrounding these prisoners and their actual circumstances. “When we speak about their status, we use different terminology: most of them are referred to as prisoners of war, but we also have hostages,” she explains.
The classification of these individuals is not just a matter of semantics, but has profound implications for how their rights are defended on the international stage. According to her, 23 Armenians currently imprisoned in Azerbaijan reflect this complexity: five were abducted in 2020, while the remaining 18 were taken in 2023, including eight prominent former leaders of the Artsakh.
Sahakyan points out that setting these persons free are related to both political, diplomatic and legal works, and there is no single international mechanism that is fighting against the torture. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has been involved in mediating communication with the imprisoned Armenians, but even this limited access has been hindered. “During the stages of the conflict, even the ICRC’s entry was blocked, and many months later when some prisoners were returned the ICRC never ever visited them.”
One of the most distressing aspects of this crisis is the systematic abuse faced by vulnerable groups, regardless of their age, gender, or military involvement. Sahakyan underscores that even civilians with no connection to the war, including women and the elderly, have been subjected to the same brutal treatment as combatants. This, she argues, is indicative of a broader, deeply rooted policy of Armenophobia, a hatred that permeates every aspect of the conflict. “They have been ill-treated with the same intensity, whether they were military personnel or civilians. Age and gender have not provided any protection,” Sahakyan says.
The panel discussion is being held within the framework of the “The Impact of Azerbaijan’s Aggression on Human Rights and Environmental Protection” conference, organized independently as a side event to COP29. The special guest is Ms. Greta Thunberg, an environmental activist, who has chosen to boycott COP29 in Baku and arrived in Armenia following recent protests outside Azerbaijan’s embassy in Tbilisi, Georgia.
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Speaking about human rights violations and war crimes during the 2020 Artsakh war, Ms Melikyan explained the need for a fact-finding mission, as it was clear that, despite some international media coverage, international advocacy groups were largely passive. They failed to adequately address the ongoing human rights violations, and their presence was minimal.
According to Ms Melikyan, in 2020 graphic videos surfaced documenting war crimes, where both civilians and prisoners of war were targeted by Azerbaijanis. These crimes were carried out openly and without shame, with the perpetrators showing no fear of accountability. “Moreover, they seemed proud of their actions. The mission was to terrorize the local population to force villagers to leave their homelands, ensuring they understood the grim fate that awaited them if they stayed. It was also meant to send a message to military personnel to ensure that they will not resist understanding what will happen to them if they become prisoners of war.”
In 2020, 80 civilians were reported dead, half of whom were killed as a result of direct threats and the intent to kill. Many of them were elderly, disabled, or had mental health issues. Furthermore, at least seven women were tortured to death. “Azerbaijani soldiers have conducted mass destruction for everyone, anywhere, at any time,” she concluded.
The panel discussion is being held within the framework of the “The Impact of Azerbaijan’s Aggression on Human Rights and Environmental Protection” conference, organized independently as a side event to COP29. The special guest is Ms. Greta Thunberg, an environmental activist, who has chosen to boycott COP29 in Baku and arrived in Armenia following recent protests outside Azerbaijan’s embassy in Tbilisi, Georgia.
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