According to the Central Electoral Commission, a total of 1,476,597 voters cast their ballots out of 2,503,976 eligible citizens, resulting in a final turnout of 58,97%.

Election day saw steady voter participation throughout the country. By 2:00 PM, turnout stood at 33.84%, with 847,226 citizens having voted. By 5:00 PM, the number had risen to 1,224,957 voters, representing 48.92% of the electorate.

Domestic and international observers monitored voting across the country, while political parties and candidates awaited the outcome of the ballot.

With voting now complete, election officials have begun counting ballots. Preliminary results are expected later tonight, with official results to be announced by the Central Electoral Commission following the completion of all required procedures.

Today, 2,485,851 citizens registered on the electoral roll are eligible to fulfill their civic duty by casting their vote.

Initially, 19 political forces—17 parties and 2 alliances—were registered to participate in the elections. However, following an application submitted by the Alliance Party, the Central Electoral Commission revoked the party’s registration. As a result, 18 political forces are taking part in the election.

The parties and alliances taking part in the vote are listed below in ballot order:

1. Reformists Party
2. “I Am Against Everyone” Democratic Party
3. Strong Armenia Alliance
4. Meritocratic Party of Armenia
5. New Force Reformist Party
6. Wings of Unity Party
7. Prosperous Armenia Party
8. National Democratic Pole Pan-Armenian Party
9. Kochari National Revival and National Awakening Party
10. Armenian National Congress Party
11. Republic Party
12. Christian Democratic Party
13. –
14. Democratic Consolidation Party
15. Democracy, Law and Discipline Party
16. Civil Contract Party
17. Armenia Alliance
18. Defenders of Democracy for the Republic Alliance Party
19. Bright Armenia Party

Armenia’s National Assembly has a minimum of 101 seats, with members elected for five-year terms. Political parties need at least 4% of the national vote to gain representation, while alliances comprising three or more parties must win at least 8%.

Polling stations will remain open until 8:00 p.m., after which the vote-counting process will begin.

Factor TV will continue to monitor the electoral process, document any potential violations, and provide the latest updates throughout the day.

By decree of the President of the Republic of Armenia, the candidacy of Vladimir Vardanyan—member of the ruling Civic Contract party and Chair of the Standing Committee on State and Legal Affairs of the National Assembly—was nominated for the vacant position of Judge of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Armenia. On the same day, Vladimir Vardanyan announced the termination of his membership in the Civic Contract party, and on 19 March he submitted his resignation to the President of the National Assembly.

The prohibition on a Constitutional Court judge being affiliated with a political party or engaging in political activity is directly stipulated in Article 4(5) of the Constitutional Law of the Republic of Armenia On the Constitutional Court, and also follows from Article 12(2)(2) of the same law and Article 164(9) of the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia. Although, under a literal interpretation, these provisions apply to the period following election as a Constitutional Court judge, their evident purpose is, first and foremost, to exclude any linkage between a Constitutional Court judge and political forces, thereby safeguarding against risks to the Court’s independence and impartiality arising from such connections.

In this context, although Vladimir Vardanyan has relinquished his parliamentary mandate and terminated his membership in the ruling political party, the fact that he has been engaged in political activity and party membership for more than seven years raises, at least prima facie, doubts regarding his ability to serve impartially as a Constitutional Court judge. Moreover, from the perspective of an objective observer, such political affiliation in itself precludes the effective management of the aforementioned risks.

We deem it necessary to recall that a similar situation arose in 2018 during the process of appointing Hrayr Tovmasyan as a judge, and subsequently as Chair, of the Constitutional Court. In that case, the same overt political affiliation served as grounds, inter alia, for then-opposition MP Nikol Pashinyan to characterise the appointment as a “secondment” by Serzh Sargsyan to the Constitutional Court.

We, the undersigned civil society organisations, consider that long-term membership in a political party and parliamentary faction—especially when accompanied by active political engagement, public positioning, and leadership of a standing parliamentary committee—cannot reasonably be neutralised by merely relinquishing a mandate or terminating party membership. Such steps cannot guarantee the severance of political and party ties or eliminate political influence, including ideological alignment with the respective political force, which is a natural phenomenon.

Even if one were to assume, conditionally, that the risk of maintaining party and/or political ties or dependencies could somehow be mitigated by relinquishing the mandate (which we do not consider reasonable), it is nonetheless evident that such actions cannot a priori eliminate the candidate’s ideological alignment with the given political force. This alone is sufficient to cast doubt on the independence and impartiality of the candidate, should he be appointed as a Constitutional Court judge.

Based on the above, we call on the National Assembly of Armenia to refrain from voting in favour of Vladimir Vardanyan’s candidacy for the position of Judge of the Constitutional Court.

Law Development and Protection Foundation

Transparency International Anti-Corruption Center

Community Mobilisation and Support Center NGO

Regional Center for Democracy and Security

New Justice Culture NGO

Armenian Progressive Youth NGO

Yerevan Press Club

Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly Vanadzor Office

Protection of Rights Without Borders 

Helsinki Association human rights protection NGO

Helsinki Citizens Assembly Armenian Committee

Union of Informed Citizens NGO

Democracy Development Foundation 

The full statement is presented below.

We, the undersigned civil society organisations, consider unacceptable and condemn the conduct and rhetoric of the Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia, Nikol Pashinyan, during a conversation on 22 March 2026 with a woman forcibly displaced from Artsakh. This behaviour constitutes not only a violation of the standards of conduct expected of a public official, but also reflects intolerance and hate speech towards Armenians forcibly displaced from Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh).

In particular, on 22 March 2026, while conducting a campaign activity in the Yerevan Metro, Nikol Pashinyan approached a woman travelling with her child and offered them a badge depicting the map of the Republic of Armenia. The woman refused, stating that they were from Artsakh and had a different map. During the conversation, Nikol Pashinyan raised his voice and addressed the woman while gesturing at her in a reprimanding manner. Moreover, after the woman requested that he not raise his voice or speak in such a manner, the Prime Minister stated that he would continue to speak that way, reproached her by saying that millions from the Armenian state budget had been spent to sustain Armenians in Artsakh, and added: “Next time, you runaways, don’t try to say that I gave away Karabakh’.

Furthermore, in the video it can be heard that the woman expressed her wish not to continue the conversation and asked not to be filmed together with her child; however, both the conversation and the filming continued. Other representatives of the ruling party, as well as the Prime Minister’s security personnel, were present during the incident.

It should be stated that the Prime Minister of the country always acts in his official capacity, which is perceived as embodying public authority; therefore, such conduct may be assessed as psychological violence against the woman. It is particularly concerning that the exchange took place in the presence of the woman’s child. The child not only witnessed such behaviour towards his mother, but was also directly involved in a political campaign. We find it unacceptable as it shapes future generations’ perceptions of power, the quality of speech, and interpersonal relations. This incident also sends a broader signal to society, legitimising violence and polarisation, which, regrettably, tends to intensify in the pre-election period.

Although the Prime Minister later issued an apology, his rhetoric had already triggered another wave of hatred and targeting against people from Artsakh, particularly on social media. Moreover, the spread of hate speech was further fuelled by an article published by the media outlet www.civic.am, affiliated with the ruling Civic Contract party, which aimed to discredit the woman from Artsakh. Regrettably, such expressions of hate speech, targeting, and offensive rhetoric towards Armenians forcibly displaced from Artsakh are not isolated, including statements by public officials such as Prime Minister Pashinyan and the Speaker of the National Assembly, Alen Simonyan.

Considering that the behaviour of public authorities, particularly senior officials, influences different segments of society and spreads beyond social media into broader public relations, such conduct is especially unacceptable and alarming, as it leads to increased polarisation, undermines social cohesion, and results in the re-victimisation of the forcibly displaced population.

The phenomenon of intolerance and hate speech against Armenians forcibly displaced from Artsakh, especially on social media, constitutes a serious problem. Not only are effective measures being taken against it , but such rhetoric is also shaped and encouraged by representatives of public authority.

Given the vulnerability of forcibly displaced persons, public officials—particularly those holding high office—are obliged to demonstrate the utmost restraint and sensitivity in their communication, ensuring respect for human dignity. We recall that public speech containing hate, discrimination, intolerance, or hostility may, depending on intent, constitute elements of a criminal offence.

The Armenian population of Artsakh has been subjected to ethnic cleansing and forced displacement by Azerbaijan, which formed part of a deliberate state policy implemented through a comprehensive strategy aimed at removing the ethnic Armenian population and historical-cultural presence from Nagorno-Karabakh. This policy has been accompanied by prolonged and grave violations of the rights and freedoms of the population of Artsakh, as well as serious war crimes.

The ongoing policy of intimidation against the population of Artsakh, the prolonged blockade, and the military attack of 19 September 2023 marked the culmination of this policy, rendering impossible the safe and dignified life of the population and resulting in mass forced displacement.Violations in the territory of Artsakh still continue in the form of erasure of Armenian cultural and historical presence, including the planned or already executed destruction of Armenian cultural monuments, churches, cemeteries, and residential areas.

In light of the above, we call on the authorities of the Republic of Armenia, and in particular Prime Minister Pashinyan, to:

• Refrain from and exclude the use of rhetoric that spreads hatred and intolerance, or contains discrimination and insult, including through social media and affiliated media outlets which leads to both deepening the polarisation of society and further intensification of the political situation;
• Ensure accountability for individuals who express and disseminate hate speech against forcibly displaced persons from Artsakh;
• Exercise restraint in public speech and adhere to the ethical standards and rules of conduct of public officials;
• Ensure that public officials and media outlets moderate hate speech in posts and comments on their social media platforms;
• More broadly, guarantee respect for human rights and ensure the implementation of the rule of law in the Republic of Armenia, including the protection of the right to privacy.

Protection of Rights Without Borders NGO

New Justice Culture NGO

Armenian Progressive Youth

Public Journalism Club

Yerevan Press Club

Media Diversity Institute

Regional Centre for Democracy and Security

Community Mobilisation and Support Centre NGO

Helsinki Association for Human Rights NGO

Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly Armenian Committee

Asparez Journalists’ Club

For Equal Rights NGO

Media Initiatives Centre

Ecolur Information NGO

Transparency International Anti-Corruption Centre

Law Development and Protection Foundation

Below is the full text of the statement:

We, the undersigned civil society organisations and individuals, express our deep concern regarding the alarming developments that have recently taken place in Armenia. Today, we are witnessing violations of the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia, the principle of the rule of law, fundamental human rights and freedoms, and the independence of the judiciary, as well as a gross breach of the autonomy of the Armenian Apostolic Holy Church (the Church), a right protected by the Constitution and international conventions.

Representatives of Armenia’s executive and legislative branches continue to interfere with the autonomy and freedom of the Church’s activities, in violation of the Constitution and the Law on Freedom of Conscience and Religious Organisations, international norms on freedom of religion or belief, and the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) (https://ks.echr.coe.int/documents/d/echr-ks/autonomy-of-religious-organisations ). The authorities’ unlawful and unacceptable attempts to influence the formation of ecclesiastical governance bodies and internal decision-making processes are deeply concerning. Equally unacceptable are attempts to arbitrarily edit or alter the Church’s centuries-old traditions, rites, sacraments, canonical order, and other domains of ecclesial life.

We strongly condemn the exertion of pressure on Church clergy by state security bodies of the Republic of Armenia, including the National Security Service (https://youtu.be/gH5JgOJEKG8). Such conduct constitutes an abuse of official power and an impermissible deviation from the aims and functions of the National Security Service.

We are also concerned by the selective use of criminal justice tools against clergy, for the purpose of exerting unlawful and undue influence, including the use of pre-trial detention as a punitive measure and as a means of compelling behaviour desired by public authorities.

It is unacceptable that public officials at the highest political level continue to promote rhetoric targeting clergy with hate speech and insults, as well as unlawfully disseminating personal information, using both public and private information channels. We believe that such actions may severely undermine the country’s already fragile social cohesion, leading to deeper polarisation and intolerance.

We firmly believe that any reform or renewal within the Church must take place inside the Church itself, grounded in the principles of freedom and autonomy of religious organisation, in accordance with the Constitution and Armenia’s international legal obligations, without any discrimination and on an equal footing with other religious organisations.

In view of the above, we reiterate our demands:

•         From representatives of public authorities, and especially from Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan: to refrain from any actions that violate the RA Constitution, domestic laws, or Armenia’s international legal obligations; to respect the Church’s freedom and autonomy; and to cease exerting unlawful influence on judicial bodies and law-enforcement agencies.
•         From President Vahagn Khachaturyan: to fulfil his function of overseeing adherence to the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia.
•         From public officials: to exercise restraint in their public statements; to observe the ethical and behavioural standards required of public office-holders; and to refrain from speech that disseminates hate, intolerance, discrimination, or insult.
•         From judges: to exercise their powers independently, in compliance with the Constitution and human rights standards, including the right to liberty and the principle that pre-trial detention must be applied only as an exceptional measure.
•         From the Investigative Committee and the Prosecutor’s Office: to ensure independent and effective investigations, guided solely by the requirements of the Constitution and the law; and to safeguard the rights of all individuals involved in proceedings, including respect for the presumption of innocence.
•         From the Police and the National Security Service: to carry out their functions independently and strictly in accordance with the demands of the Constitution and the law; and to refrain from the disproportionate and unnecessary use of force or from violating individuals’ rights.

Organisations:
Protection of Rights Without Borders NGO
Regional Centre for Democracy and Security
Yerevan Press Club
Armenian Progressive Youth NGO
Public Journalism Club
Journalists for Human Rights NGO
Centre for Law and Freedom NGO
Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly Armenian Committee
Helsinki Association Human Rights NGO
Media Initiatives Centre
Yezidi Centre for Human Rights
 Centre for Community Mobilization and Support NGO

Individuals:
Gayane Shagoyan, Cultural Anthropologist
Isabella Sargsyan, International Expert on Freedom of Religion or Belief
Zaruhi Hovhannisyan, Human Rights Defender, New Justice Culture NGO
Armen Martirosyan, Publisher
Tigran Paskevichyan, Journalist–Publicist
Sarhat Petrosyan, Architect–Urban Planner
Inga Harutyunyan, Psychologist, Social Protection Specialist
Apres Zohrabyan, Orientalist
Aram Khanalanyan, Architect–Theorist
Arsen Hakobyan, Cultural Anthropologist
Maria Sadoyan, Translator
Mushegh Hovsepyan, Human Rights Defender
Nune Torosyan, Teacher, Translator, Editor
Ruben Malayan, Calligrapher, Lecturer
Vardan Harutyunyan, Human Rights Defender
Mariam Movsisyan, Communications Specialist

Mika Kouri and Swantje Meinke are monitors for the European Union Mission in Armenia (EUMA), an unarmed civilian mission deployed in February 2023. The monitors and other experts of EUMA come from 25 EU member states and Canada, bringing diverse professional backgrounds to a singular task. The European Union Mission in Armenia comprises its headquarters (HQ) in Yeghegnadzor, a liaison and support office in Yerevan, and six Forward Operating Bases (FOBs) in Ijevan, Martuni, Jermuk, Goris, Kapan, and Yeghegnadzor. The monitoring team based in Martuni is responsible for the entire Gegharkunik region.

Their job is to be the EU’s “eyes and ears” on the ground, patrolling the border with Azerbaijan to observe the security situation, report on incidents, and build confidence in communities living under the shadow of conflict.

This mission is a focal point in a complex geopolitical crucible. For Armenia, it is a tangible symbol of a strategic pivot towards the West after its decades-long security alliance with Russia failed to prevent incursions onto its territory. For Azerbaijan and Russia, it is a contested geopolitical intrusion. But on the ground, for Mika Kouri and Swantje Meinke, the mission is about human beings.

The day for the monitors, such as Mika Kouri and Swantje Meinke, typically starts with meticulous planning at their Forward Operating Bases (FOBs).

Mika, who is a team leader, gathers his team around maps to define the day’s patrol route, identify key observation points, and conduct risk assessments based on the latest intelligence. This “invisible” planning phase is crucial for ensuring the safety and effectiveness of their work.

Mika says his team plans to visit villages for human security patrols, to speak with people affected by the conflict, and to learn about the security situation and the challenges they face.

Once planning is complete, monitors deploy in their distinctive EUMA vehicles. The stops on this day are three villages in Gegharkunik province: Sotk, Kut, and Norabak.

The air is thin and clear high in the mountains of Armenia’s Gegharkunik province. In a white 4×4, Finnish Border Guard officer Mika Kouri and German Police officer Swantje Meinke navigate a winding dirt road. Below them, the vast, deep blue of Lake Sevan stretches towards the horizon. Ahead, the ridgelines mark not just a stunning landscape, but a tense and volatile international border.

“Here in Armenia, the mountains are higher”, – says Mika, a 54-year-old veteran from Lapland. The scale is even more impressive for Swantje, 32, who is from the flat plains of northern Germany. “I’m so astonished about this”, – she says. “Feeling so grateful that I have the opportunity to be here.”

We observed that locals frequently greeted them from their cars. Swantje confirms that it’s normal, as many people in the area recognize the mission members. She added that this welcoming feedback makes her feel very welcome, and sometimes these greetings lead to friendly conversations.

From Armenia’s border to Brussels: The EU mission’s role as a ‘reporting tool’

The opportunity to work in the European Union mission in Armenia was one Mika pursued with interest. Mika, the Team Leader of the Forward Operating Base in Martuni, has managed the sensitive Finnish-Russian border since 1994. He is seconded by the Crisis Management Centre Finland (CMC Finland), which serves as Finland’s centre of expertise for civilian crisis management. CMC Finland is responsible for the training and recruitment of all experts seconded to international assignments, acting as the employer for both civilian crisis management professionals and OSCE election observers. Finland deploys experts through CMC Finland to missions led by the EU, UN, OSCE, NATO, the Council of Europe, and other international organisations. Experts are engaged in a wide range of roles, including policing, judicial administration, border security, customs, enforcement of criminal sanctions, international policy, human rights, reporting, and communications. His experience in the sparsely populated north, where border guards are often the only state representatives, has prepared him for the human-centric work in Armenia’s villages.

He feels he can contribute to conflict resolution, offering his personal input as a stabilizing element. Having led a team in the Gegharkunik region for two years, he has one year remaining of his three-year tour.

“I would like to see people no longer affected by conflict”, – Mika explains. “For this kind of work in conflict areas, we need a personal interest to be part of this important work of fostering peace and being part of this stabilizing process. You can’t do this just for the job. For me, it’s important to be part of an institution that wants to be a stabilizing factor and is genuinely working towards peace between the countries. It gives me personal satisfaction.”

The observations made by monitors like Mika and Swantje are grounded in facts and neutrality. They observe all types of military changes in the area, learning very quickly if tensions increase. Their findings are then reported to Brussels, which in turn informs the EU member states.

“As the Head of Mission often says, we would like to  work and patrol on both sides “, – says Mika. ” We try to be very open and transparent about our mandate. Our mission’s mandate is very transparent: we observe, monitor, discuss with people affected by the conflict, and report these findings directly to Brussels. We are an EU tool for maintaining situational awareness of what is happening in the country, especially if there is a military escalation.”

Still, they must manage local expectations. Some residents, feeling abandoned by their traditional allies, initially hoped for armed peacekeepers. “Sometimes they wish we were here to support them with weapons”, – Swantje Meinke explains. “Then we have to explain what we are actually doing… that we are a civilian mission here for stabilizing the situation.”

During the September 2022 clashes between Armenia and Azerbaijan, Russian guards stationed in the Gegharkunik region reportedly fled, an act witnessed by local residents. This prompted the question to Mika: “In a tense situation, would you stay to observe or would you leave?”

“It depends on the situation, of course”, – he responds. “If we are in immediate danger, we move away from the location, but we continue the work from a distance. It’s important that safety and security are taken care of, but when the situation occurs, we create distance and continue our work. So the shooting itself does not stop our performance, but it’s self-explanatory that we have to adjust and assess the situation to ensure circumstances are safe and secure for the team members.”

The mission faces a coordinated disinformation campaign, mainly from Azerbaijan or Russia, labeling them as spies. Mika believes the key to tackling these campaigns is transparency.

“I think that increasing Armenians’ knowledge of what the European Union Mission in Armenia is doing is the key element for tackling these disinformation campaigns”, – he says. “If Armenians know exactly and are fully aware of why we are here and what we are doing, then this disinformation won’t be effective. When disinformation really gets a foothold among the population, it means there is not enough information shared with them about what the mission is doing.”

For Mika, the most rewarding part of the work is when he sees that the mission’s presence is well-received.

“Often when we are patrolling and discussing with representatives of border communities, they emphasize that the European Union Mission’s presence brings them a greater sense of safety, and that our presence has led to a decrease in shooting incidents. That’s a very practical example of our work and its effectiveness. Those are perhaps the most rewarding moments, when we really learn that the work we have done is meaningful.”

Every day, monitors like Mika and Swantje meet with locals. They are always ready to explain what the mission is doing and the tasks they are carrying out. Mika says that their mission has been welcomed here and people are ready to share their concerns, feelings, and expectations.

“Armenians are really open and friendly”, – he shares. “You are ready to open your doors, your private space at home, asking us to come in for coffee with your families, have discussions, and share thoughts and experiences. This has been a really, unbelievably nice experience for me personally.”

Mika explains that the working mechanism of the mission is very clear. Their work is to impartially and neutrally collect information from the field—what they observe and hear from local border communities. Then they report this information to Brussels, which shares it with the EU member states. These findings become topics of discussion at the state level among diplomatic actors.

“First, I want to emphasize that we are a civilian, unarmed mission. We are definitely not armed; we don’t have any weapons. We are observing the situation. If a conflict escalation were to happen, it’s very important to emphasize that the mission is not leaving Armenia. We will do our utmost to continue observation activities on the development of a possible escalation. So, we are a reporting tool, providing information from the ground to the decision-makers”, – he summarizes.

Upon being asked if the mission could change its format from observation to providing direct assistance to village residents, Mika explained:

“The mission’s mandate and structure are clearly defined through a bilateral agreement between the European Union and the Armenian government. Therefore, an immediate change to our tasks is not possible. Any such modification would require extensive discussions and can typically only happen when the mandate is renewed. This means the mission will continue in its current form until 2027. After that, its format could be reconsidered based on future agreements between the EU and Armenia. For now, we are following the agreed-upon patterns of work.”

“There is a kind of hope that the situation will be solved and peace would come”

A day on patrol is a blend of meticulous observation and deeply human interaction. The primary concern voiced by villagers is often not the military threat, but the struggle for a basic necessity: water.

In the village of Sotk, residents explain that a lack of rain has dried up sources, and the village is divided—one part gets water 24/7, the other for just two hours a day. In Norabak, an 88-year-old man says the wells in the mountains can no longer be maintained. While these issues are pressing, the sense of security is the constant, underlying current.

“Your presence somehow brings stability and peace”, – one elderly man tells Kouri and his translator, after recounting how his village was destroyed in 1991. In the town of Vardenis, a shopkeeper with a resilient smile is emphatic. “We are not afraid of anything”, – she says. “We see our soldiers in their positions. We are with them. We feel safe.”

This feedback is what the monitors carry with them. “Those are the most rewarding moments”, – Kouri admits. “When we really learn that the work we have done is meaningful.”

The monitors see signs of hope in the quiet resilience of the communities. “It’s very positive”, – Kouri remarks, pointing to a newly built house. “Somehow I feel that if people are ready to invest, to build new houses, there is a kind of hope that the situation will be solved and peace would come.”

“The sum of many good things can change something”

The EU monitors find their own ways to decompress. For Mika, it’s running in the forests near Martuni, a “counterbalance” to the stress of the job. For Swantje, it’s yoga, sports, and a garden project.

In a small garden plot at the FOB, sunflowers and other plants grow, planted by Swantje and her colleague. “We planted some flowers from a local shop. I wasn’t so enthusiastic in the beginning, but it turned out to be very beautiful, so we are actually very proud of our garden”, – says Swantje.

uploads.knightlab.com

Swantje Meinke has a strong background in the German police. Since graduating in 2014, she has worked in various roles, including as part of a first-responder (Crime Scene Investigation) CSI unit and an investigation group that dealt with right-wing terrorism. Her police work in Germany preceded a mission in Afghanistan, an experience she found deeply meaningful.

Swantje has been with the mission since October 1st of last year.

“In general, because of my experience in Afghanistan, I would say that I’m more thankful”, – says Swantje. “The security situation there was really intense. My local assistant, a woman, told me that when she says goodbye to her family in the morning, they say goodbye as if they will never meet again because they never know if they will die during the day from all the attacks in Kabul.”

She finds Armenian society to be different from that in Afghanistan, but also different from her native Germany.

“Normally, you see more men on the streets, but I’ve also met a lot of very strong women here; it’s not like they are pushed down or anything. My impression is that they are more modest; they tend to take a step back and maybe let the men lead conversations. I’m always very happy when I meet women here, especially when they are alone, because then they are even more open and talk more than if they were with a man.”

Through her work abroad, Swantje learned that a single person cannot save the world. She says that sometimes a small contribution doesn’t save the world, but it can mean the world to an individual.

“I think that’s one thing you should know. In the end, it’s not my single contribution that will change everything, but I think it’s the sum of many good things that might have a chance to change something”, – she explains. “Therefore, what I’m doing here is just a tiny piece. We are just one piece of the puzzle. We are all trying to complete the peace puzzle in the end. This is what I mean by that.”

The mission family

Far from home, the team of FOB Martuni has become a “mission family,” as Mika calls it. Kouri, as the team leader, sees maintaining morale as a core part of his job. “I believe that if the people feel well-treated, they are then motivated, and motivation leads to commitment to the work”, – he says. They organize “pancake Thursdays” or cook for each other to build a social environment.

Staying connected to family is crucial. Kouri, a husband and father of three grown children, says the work would be impossible without their full support. He speaks with them daily and has even brought them to Armenia to travel the country with him. “They are really willing and keen to also learn about Armenian culture”, – he says with a smile.

As the patrol day ends and the monitors prepare their confidential reports for Brussels, the mission’s purpose crystallizes. It exists in the space between high-stakes geopolitics and the daily life of a farmer worried about his water supply. It is measured not in military victories, but in the quiet confidence of a shopkeeper and the hope symbolized by a new house on a contested border.

It is, as Swantje Meinke would say, a blink of peace in a world that desperately needs it.

Understanding the EU’s Civilian and Military Operations

The European Union’s foreign policy missions are carried out by the European External Action Service (EEAS), the EU’s diplomatic service established in 2011. The primary goal is to promote peace, security, and European interests globally, operating on the principle that Europe’s security begins abroad.

The main instrument for these efforts is the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), which deploys both civilian and military missions to manage crises. Since 2003, the EU has launched over 40 such operations across Europe, Africa, and Asia. Currently, there are 21 ongoing CSDP missions involving approximately 4,000 personnel detached by EU Member States.

These missions are broadly categorized as civilian or military:

Civilian Missions, like the EU Mission in Armenia (EUMA) (EUMA’s mandate doesn’t focus on security sector reform or rule of law), focus on  observing and reporting on the situation on the ground, contributing to human security in conflict-affected areas and supporting the confidence building between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

Military Missions are involved in training, military assistance, and peacekeeping operations, such as EUFOR ALTHEA in Bosnia-Herzegovina.

The deployment and management of these missions are a coordinated effort. Decisions are made by EU countries through the Foreign Affairs Council. Personnel are provided by Member States, and operational command is handled by dedicated headquarters for civilian ( CivOpsHQ ) and military (MPCC) missions.

Gevorg Tosunyan

This article was published within the framework of the “Explaining Democracy: Reporting Initiative” program, with the support of the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands in Armenia.

The 17 March, 2025 report of the Ministry of Defense of Armenia recorded that the Ministry of Defense of the Republic of Armenia is ready to investigate the facts substantiating the Azerbaijani reports, in case they are conveyed to the Republic of Armenia.

For the record, as of this moment, not a single fact or substantiation about ceasefire violation by the Armed Forces of the Republic of Armenia has been conveyed by the Republic of Azerbaijan to the Republic of Armenia.

The Prime Minister’s Office of the Republic of Armenia, reiterating its offer on creating a joint Armenia-Azerbaijan mechanism for investigating ceasefire violation cases and/or such reports, announces that the Armed Forces of the Republic of Armenia don’t have a reason or order to violate the ceasefire.

The Government of the Republic of Armenia is guided by the agenda of peace, with the steps aimed at finalizing the text of the agreement on peace and establishment of interstate relations between the Republic of Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan serving as undeniable evidence of this.

The finalization of the text of the peace treaty and conclusion of the negotiations around the finalization of the text is a step of utmost importance and the Republic of Armenia calls on the Republic of Azerbaijan to launch consultations about the date and venue for signing the agreement.
We find it noteworthy that the agreed-upon text of the draft agreement addresses the fundamental issues of peace and establishment of relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan and envisages mechanisms for discussions of future tasks.

We find it necessary to note that in January 2025 the Republic of Armenia conveyed to the Republic of Azerbaijan in a written form a proposal for solving the issue of railway cargo transportation from Azerbaijan’s western regions through the territory of the Republic of Armenia to the NAR, the opposite direction and towards third countries and from the Republic of Armenia’s north-western regions through the territory of Azerbaijan to the southern part of the Republic of Armenia, the opposite direction and towards third countries, as well as a proposal on creating a bilateral mechanism for mutual arms control and is waiting for Azerbaijan’s positive response.

At the same time, we reiterate that the Republic of Armenia is ready to continue with the Republic of Azerbaijan the delimitation work of the state border in accordance with the regulation on joint activity of the Commission on Delimitation and Border Security of the State Border between the Republic of Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan and the State Commission on the Delimitation of the State Border between the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Republic of Armenia”.

“The fact that this repressive state would host COP29 is a revolting display of hypocrisy. In a conference supposedly dedicated to tackling climate change and promoting justice, we are instead granting legitimacy to a country accused of trampling on its own citizens’ rights and committing severe human rights violations.” Thunberg added that Azerbaijani activists feel as if they live in a prison, silenced by their own government. Those who seek change are repressed, their voices stifled.

Thunberg noted that, rather than challenging such practices, the international community has frequently turned a blind eye. “We cannot pick and choose which rights we want to uphold,” she asserted. “If we are committed to justice, it has to be justice for everyone.”

In her remarks, Thunberg emphasized that climate justice extends beyond emissions targets and environmental protections; it encompasses accountability for human rights abuses. She cited the recent suffering of Armenians as a direct consequence of Azerbaijani aggression, noting that the displacement, torture, and detention many have faced are critical issues that should not be ignored.

“The ethnic cleansing for which Azerbaijan is responsible, the hardships and suffering experienced by many Armenians as a result of Azerbaijan’s new aggression, the torture and forced displacement, the captivity, hostage-taking, and the physical and psychological brutality endured by individuals are utterly unacceptable.”

“It is not just about scientific urgency,” she added. “This is a moral imperative. We cannot allow nations to expand fossil fuel production while silencing the voices that challenge them. And we certainly cannot stay silent while ethnic cleansing and human rights abuses are swept under the rug.”

Thunberg urged the global community to reassess its priorities, emphasizing that climate action cannot be effective if it lacks a foundation of justice and integrity.

“The Impact of Azerbaijan’s Aggression on Human Rights and Environmental Protection” conference is being held in Yerevan, organized independently as a side event to COP29. The special guest is Ms. Greta Thunberg, an environmental activist, who has chosen to boycott COP29 in Baku and arrived in Armenia following recent protests outside Azerbaijan’s embassy in Tbilisi, Georgia.

During the conference, titled “The Impact of Azerbaijan’s Aggression on Human Rights and Environmental Protection”, Ghazaryan pointed to recent international criminal court proceedings where efforts were made to present the forced displacement of Artsakh Armenians as an unfortunate consequence of war. “Why is Azerbaijan so afraid of going to court? Because in court proceedings, the truth is revealed and clearly identified.” International courts are not places for political debate, but rather for the presentation of facts and evidence. The goal of the courts is to uncover the truth, and when examined closely, it becomes clear that the deportations were not a mere side effect of war, but were driven by a specific, orchestrated intent to forcibly displace the population. 

Ghazaryan also referenced Armenia’s successful legal actions in international courts, where compelling evidence has been presented to prove the intentional nature of the violence against both military personnel and civilians in Artsakh.

Speaking about the article titled “Where Are the Artsakh Armenians?”,  Ghazaryan said, “For 2,000 years, Artsakh Armenians lived there, and now they are no longer present. How could you explain that? Did people in Artsakh just decide to change their location? No, this was a forced exile, carried out through military actions.” He emphasized that the intent to remove Armenians from Artsakh was deliberate, and the evidence supporting this claim is undeniable.

Armenia has gathered a substantial body of evidence that underscores the nature of the displacements, leaving no room for doubt among the international community that this was an act of forced displacement. As a result, Ghazaryan concluded, the right of the displaced Armenians to return home should be upheld and exercised.

“The Impact of Azerbaijan’s Aggression on Human Rights and Environmental Protection” conference is being held in Yerevan, organized independently as a side event to COP29. The special guest is Ms. Greta Thunberg, an environmental activist, who has chosen to boycott COP29 in Baku and arrived in Armenia following recent protests outside Azerbaijan’s embassy in Tbilisi, Georgia.

During the panel discussion being held in Yerevan, Dr. Siranush Sahakyan presents the reality of Armenians facing the ongoing Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict. “The continuous arrests of Armenians are part of state politics,” Sahakyan states, emphasizing that the detention of Armenians is not merely a consequence of conflict, but a deliberate strategy used to exert political pressure.

The abduction of Armenians has been a persistent problem since the 2020 escalation of the conflict. Over 300 Armenians have been taken hostage, many of whom were civilians with no connection to the fighting. Though 210 have been released, some remain trapped in Azerbaijan. Their return, Sahakyan notes, is often complicated by the lack of clarity about their initial abduction. Some were detained during the hostilities, while others were taken from peaceful, non-conflict areas, making their cases more complex and difficult to resolve.

Sahakyan emphasizes the contrast between the political rhetoric surrounding these prisoners and their actual circumstances. “When we speak about their status, we use different terminology: most of them are referred to as prisoners of war, but we also have hostages,” she explains.

The classification of these individuals is not just a matter of semantics, but has profound implications for how their rights are defended on the international stage. According to her, 23 Armenians currently imprisoned in Azerbaijan reflect this complexity: five were abducted in 2020, while the remaining 18 were taken in 2023, including eight prominent former leaders of the Artsakh.

Sahakyan points out that setting these persons free are related to both political, diplomatic and legal works, and  there is no single international mechanism that is fighting against the torture. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has been involved in mediating communication with the imprisoned Armenians, but even this limited access has been hindered. “During the stages of the conflict, even the ICRC’s entry was blocked, and many months later when some prisoners were returned the ICRC never ever visited them.” 

One of the most distressing aspects of this crisis is the systematic abuse faced by vulnerable groups, regardless of their age, gender, or military involvement. Sahakyan underscores that even civilians with no connection to the war, including women and the elderly, have been subjected to the same brutal treatment as combatants. This, she argues, is indicative of a broader, deeply rooted policy of Armenophobia, a hatred that permeates every aspect of the conflict. “They have been ill-treated with the same intensity, whether they were military personnel or civilians. Age and gender have not provided any protection,” Sahakyan says. 

The panel discussion is being held within the framework of the “The Impact of Azerbaijan’s Aggression on Human Rights and Environmental Protection” conference, organized independently as a side event to COP29. The special guest is Ms. Greta Thunberg, an environmental activist, who has chosen to boycott COP29 in Baku and arrived in Armenia following recent protests outside Azerbaijan’s embassy in Tbilisi, Georgia.